- Argentina 's Foreign Policy : Argentina
- 49 Congreso Internacional del Americanistas (ICA)
- CEPAL and ISI: Reconsidering the Debates, Policies and Outcomes
Argentina 's Foreign Policy : Argentina
Table of Contents. Related Content. Editor: Andrew Colin Gow. Rather than focusing on 'Grand Theory', we have explored some of these issues in our own areas. The first section of the volume is more general and tries to make sense of current institutional realities; the second section consists of case studies, demonstrating how the various disciplinary divisions of Slavic Studies can be overcome by adding together various hyphenated approaches: history and cultural studies, anthropology and oral history, film studies and photography.
Author: Vittorio Cotesta. One might be surprised, astonished or indignant seeing men and women prostrating themselves in front of other men and other women. Or one might feel it is right to bow down before God, Allah, the saints, the Holy Virgin or the gods. Kings into Gods: How Prostration Shaped Eurasian Civilizations investigates the reasons why men prostrate themselves before deities or before powerful men.
Through an in-depth historical and cultural analysis, this book highlights the connection between rituality and royalty within the Eurasian civilizations. The narrative and iconic documentation gathered and analyzed concerns the Greek and Roman world, the Mongolian civilization during the Middle Ages, the Hindu and Chinese civilizations, the Islamic civilization in India in the fourteenth century, the Mughal civilization and European civilization in the late Middle Ages.
The different forms of the rituals in the courts of kings and emperors are tightly connected with the concept of royalty. Bringing together workers, not all of whom were unionized, at an industry or city-wide level, general strikes which often involved considerable violence became an unwanted fact of life for employers and governments between and the early 's. Hostile commentators were quick to draw attention to the influence of anarcho-syndicalists in these highly-charged displays of class conflict.
For militant workers in key economic sectors the general strike represented a mighty expression of class solidarity. For some it represented a revolutionary challenge to capitalism. Even their less radical colleagues would have seen it as a potent weapon at their disposal if all else failed. In fact their participation in these strikes demonstrated that though they may not have been committed anarcho-syndicalists themselves, they were nonetheless prepared to take action when they felt that the preferred tactic of the anarcho-syndicalists would pay off in terms of improvements in wages and working conditions.
Rejection of Alternative Labor Strategies The influence of anarcho-syndicalism can also be viewed as a conscious rejection by many workers of alternative strategies for the labor movement. Though anarchism was not entirely exhausted, it was increasingly seen as a blind alley. The strength of workers in industries or services vital to the efficient functioning of export economies lay in their ability to confront capital collectively. The anarchist emphasis on individualism hardly corresponded to the conditions in which they lived and worked.
Moreover, the violence associated with anarchism, whether individual or collective, only appeared to result in bloodshed and repression. La Protesta , Buenos Aires, 16 January Socialist parties had made their appearance in the region around the turn of the century yet, in the circumstances then prevailing, their case was far from persuasive and their success was limited. Socialism in Peru and Brazil made little progress before the First World War but some electoral successes were recorded in Chile and most notably in Argentina.
However, with the partial exception of Argentina after , the electoral focus of reformist socialism made little sense to workers, especially immigrants, excluded from the formal political process. If gains were to be made, then they would have to come from the direct action of workers themselves.
As will be seen, anarcho-syndicalism itself came to be largely rejected as a viable labor movement strategy after the First World War. In Argentina, however, this process was underway before Workers were well aware that improvements in wages and conditions could be won through negotiations with employers.
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Immigrant workers, realising that they were unlikely to make their fortunes and return home wealthy, sought instead to make the most of the present. Strikes, therefore, though still militant, were seen as the means to achieve immediate economic gains rather than paving the way for revolution. Union leaders may still have been committed to the overthrow of capitalism but in practice they responded to their members' day-to-day, yet for them more pressing, concerns. This tendency became more pronounced with the election of the Radical Yrigoyen in , during whose Presidency it was increasingly perceived that the state was not wholly impervious to the demands of labor and indeed could, on occasion, act in its immediate interests.
World War 1 and Its Aftermath The emergence of a reformist variant of syndicalism in Argentina notwithstanding, the First World War ushered in a period in which the intensity of the battle waged between labor and capital in South America was unprecedented. During the early years of the war, economic dislocation and high levels of unemployment seriously weakened the region's labor movements and the level of strike activity was negligible.
By , however, an economic upturn, based on rising prices for primary exports, had significantly reduced unemployment and labor regained its confidence. The experience of Brazil during the war differed somewhat from that of the other countries but even there workers joined with their colleagues elsewhere in launching an onslaught of militancy. In all countries strikes occurred with increasing frequency and in general strikes took place in Argentina, Peru and Brazil. Whilst inflation, falling real wages and the high levels of profits being made by employers fuelled the fires of labor unrest, the period must also be seen as one in which workers, together with disaffected elements of the urban middle class, mounted the strongest challenge yet seen to the old oligarchies.
Furthermore, the battles waged by workers in South America formed part of a world-wide rising of workers symbolized most clearly by the October Revolution. The victory of the Bolsheviks was widely reported in the working class press and it undoubtedly provided encouragement as the confrontation with capital became more bitter and bloody at the end of the war. Anarcho-syndicalists, with their emphasis on direct action and the general strike, were at the peak of their influence at this time and the region's elites were swift to blame them for the unrest.
The Decline of Anarcho-Syndicalism Looking back at this period from , when the brief post-war boom had subsided, workers would have been justified in asking what immediate benefits their efforts had brought. Notable concessions, such as the eight-hour day in Peru, had been won but the cost was high and many were soon taken away as even supposedly reformist governments wrested back the initiative. The anarcho-syndicalists, often occupying leading positions in strike movements, had promised much, demanded much but delivered little.
During the 's their influence began to decline and by the 's they were a spent force as an independent current within the labor movements of South America. Three factors were largely responsible for anarcho-syndicalism's decline.
49 Congreso Internacional del Americanistas (ICA)
Firstly, in Argentina and Brazil , employers and the state resorted to the tried and tested methods of repression. La Protesta claimed that there were dead and 4, wounded. La Protesta , Buenos Aires, 23 January Arrests and deportations effectively left it without leadership in the face of continued repression under the state of siege in force from to Secondly, the success of the Bolsheviks in capturing state power in Russia offered a persuasive alternative for militants.
Whilst the October Revolution was viewed with considerable alarm by elites, it was reported as a triumph in the labor movement press. Anarcho-syndicalists tended to give 'critical support' to the Bolshevik regime, though from , with the suppression of the Kronstadt rising, the persecution of Nestor Makhno and the clamp down on independent workers' organisations, this turned to outright criticism of Bolshevik authoritarianism.
Nevertheless, the prestige of the Russian Revolution gave impetus to the region's newly established Communist Parties and though small they represented a significant challenge to anarcho-syndicalists who viewed the growing number of ' moscovisados ' with consternation. Indeed, many anarcho-syndicalists came to accept the need for disciplined political parties along Bolshevik lines.
As they had done previously, workers were consciously rejecting a strategy which appeared to have failed them in favor of one which could point to the Russian Revolution as real evidence of its viability and practicality. Thirdly, and arguably most significantly, the partial opening up of politics to workers after the war, a process which, it has been noted, was already underway in Argentina, reflected a change in the nature of the state in South America.
- Motherhood at the Heart of Labour Regulation: Argentina, – in: Women's ILO.
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The bitterness and intensity of the battles fought by workers was at least partly responsible for the emergence of reformist sections of the elites who saw the need to integrate the working class into political life in the hope of promoting a more harmonious and conflict-free brand of capitalist development. Though under these Presidents workers expectations were hardly satisfied, this process of reform and integration helped strip anarcho-syndicalism of one of the major strengths of its appeal, namely its rejection of politics.
Workers increasingly came to believe that they could improve their conditions by putting pressure on and even gaining a voice in government.
CEPAL and ISI: Reconsidering the Debates, Policies and Outcomes
Such a strategy necessitated political expression and workers gave their support to a variety of currents that best appeared to articulate their interests in the inter-war years. Throughout the region Communist parties and labor unions attracted and organized many but nowhere were they unchallenged. In Peru, Haya de la Torre's APRA gained considerable influence and the urban masses provided a base of support for populist politicians.
Confronted by a hostile military regime from , Argentine workers, at the expense of the independence of their union organizations, eventually found a political voice in Peronism. Yet elsewhere, anarcho-syndicalism retained some of its influence for a time. Even then, the spirit was not entirely crushed as anarcho-syndicalists later came to occupy leading positions in the Socialist Party of Chile. The heyday of anarcho-syndicalism in South America, however, had passed. Though once articulating the experiences and aspirations of many of the region's workers, it gave way to movements deemed more appropriate in increasingly complex societies by workers themselves.
Notas 1. I would like to thank the University of Wolverhampton and the Nuffield Foundation for financial support for some of the research on which this chapter is based and the staff of the International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam. Arturo Alessandri, elected President of Chile in , expressed the new reformist mood of at least part of the country's elite when he wrote, "I believed that the moment had come to produce harmony between capital and labor on the basis of human solidarity and social justice, to thus defend public order and social salvation In a word, I felt that it was necessary to have rapid evolution to avoid the revolution and the holocaust which in conformity with a reiterated historical law always takes place when evolution is retarded".
Alexander, Arturo Alessandri: A Biography , 2 vols. During the First World War, The Economist maintained that striking Argentinian railway workers were influenced not only by "Spanish and Italian revolutionary socialism" but also by "German agitators and German money". Morris, Elites, Intellectuals and Consensus. A bibliography of Latin American labor history would run to many pages. Essential English language works on the region as a whole are H.
exomadmap.gq Spalding Jr. Spalding, op. The framework of analysis draws on that developed by Marcel van der Linden and Wayne Thorpe eds. Many, however, still saw trade unions as inherently reformist. Adelman, op. Van der Linden and Thorpe, op. Hall and H. Bethell ed. Cecilia seems to have foundered over the colony's female members' reluctance to accept Rossi's ideas on 'free love'. Back home Rossi later considered the possibility of purchasing women from the "semi-savage tribes" with the proceeds of a new colony's distillery. He asked his correspondent to consider the scheme "without giving it any publicity".
Sanftleben, 29 November, Blanchard, op. See also J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels , Manchester U.
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- Essays in Argentine Labour History 1870–1930.
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It should be noted, however, that Hobsbawm's millenarian interpretation of Spanish anarchism has prompted a revisionist critiwue which emphasises the more immediate and practical aims of the movement. Workers also found other outlets for their radicalism. The Partido Socialista had been formed in Argentina in , the Chilean Partido Obrero Socialista was formed in and in that year Peruvian workers were instrumental in the election to the Presidency of the populist Guillermo Billinghurst.
It is not possible here to discuss the strike wave in detail. For a useful summary see Albert, op. For details of the strikes, see El Jornalero, Trujillo, various issues. Munslow and H.